As the bishops
make clear in their statement on religious liberty “Our First,
Most Cherished Liberty,” the HHS mandate declaring that Catholic
institutions must provide contraception and abortifacients in their insurance
coverage is only one of a number of attacks by the secular state against the Church.
Why the attacks?
Surely the state would declare that it is merely following the dictates of the
First Amendment’s Establishment Clause, which demands, so the Supreme Court
tells us, that the federal government “erect a wall of separation between
church and State.” Ushering religion out of the public square so that one sect
doesn’t set up shop to the exclusion of others and thereby commandeer the
government to do its biddingwell, that’s the government’s ordained job.
Freedom of religion for everyone demands that no religion gain privileged
access, and so all must be kept on the other side of the wall of separation. So
we’re told.
The bishops do
not agree. In “Our First, Most Cherished Liberty,” they quote from another
important document, “In Defense
of Religious Freedom,” a statement of Evangelicals and
Catholics Together. ECT asserts that the First Amendment’s decree that “Congress
shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion” does not “demand a
naked public square, shorn of religiously informed moral conviction. The ‘separation
of church and state’ is intended to protect freedom for religious
conviction; it is not intended to promote religion’s exile from public life.”
I beg to differ,
or perhaps, I beg at least to clarify. The historical and constitutional waters
are too muddied to make such a clean and clear assertion. It is correct, I
think, to assert that the First Amendment’s declaration that “Congress shall
make no law respecting an establishment of religion” does not “demand a naked
public square.” But if we scratch beyond the surface we find that the
“separation of church and state” is in fact “intended to promote religion’s
exile from public life.”
To begin to sort
things out, we need to point out what should be obvious but has often been
obscured: the First Amendment says
nothing at all about erecting a wall of separation between the church and the
state. The full text of the Amendment reads as follows: “Congress shall
make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the
right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a
redress of grievances.”
The notion of a
“wall of separation” comes not from the First Amendment or the Constitution
itself, but from a Supreme Court decision Everson
v. Board of Education (1947), wherein Justice Hugo Black, writing the
majority opinion, declared, “In the words of Jefferson, the clause against
establishment of religion by law was intended to erect ‘a wall of separation
between church and State.’” Black used Jefferson’s words, and the authority of
Jefferson as founder, to advance a particular interpretation of the First
Amendment’s so-called Establishment Clause, the snippet of the First Amendment
that runs, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion…”
Black’s bringing
in Jefferson as the key to interpreting the First Amendment is precisely what
muddied the waters. Before Everson,
Jefferson’s words were almost entirely missing from our judicial understanding
of the First Amendment (appearing only in Reynolds v. United States, 1878). But all that changed with the Everson decision. As Daniel Dreisbach, a historian of American
law has noted, since Everson “the Jeffersonian metaphor has eclipsed and
supplanted [the] constitutional text in the minds of many jurists, scholars,
and the American public.” The result is that Jefferson’s “architectural
metaphor” of a wall of separation between church and state “has achieved
virtual canonical status and become more familiar to the American people than
the actual text of the First Amendment.”
Jefferson’s view
of the First Amendment has thereby become authoritativesealed by a series of
subsequent Supreme Court cases, and backed by the full power of the federal
government. That is a problem because
Jefferson did intend to promote religion’s exile from public life.
Jefferson was an
intellectual child of the Enlightenment, and so inherited the Enlightenment
view that revealed religion was essentially irrational. For historical progress
to be made, revealed religion must be left behind. The Enlightenment did demand a “naked public square” if by
that we mean one from which revealed religion has been exiled.
I am not making
the case that Jefferson was an atheist. We have every reason to believe he
accepted Deism, the established religion of the 18th century Enlightenment. But
Deism, a natural religion, was historically defined against Christianity, a
revealed religion.
With the Deists,
Jefferson accepted Jesus as a great moral teacher. As Jefferson revealed in a
private letter to Benjamin Rush, he believed that Jesus himself never claimed
he was divine, but only wanted to purify the “Deism” of the Jews (meaning that
the Jews held “the belief of one only
God”). Trinitarianism was a mistake.
How did that “mistake” occur? The difficulty with Jesus was that, like
Socrates, he didn’t write anything, and that meant, so Jefferson maintained,
that “the committing to writing [of] his life & doctrines fell on the most
unlettered & ignorant men; who wrote, too, from memory, & not till long
after the transactions had passed.” These ignorant and unlettered men were, of
course, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John; Jesus’s divinity was their invention.
This assumption that the Bible was not really the revealed Word of God,
but the words of “unlettered & ignorant men,” had direct implications for
political life. While the Bible may contain some helpful moral fragments uttered
by Christ, the problem is that the whole New Testament is taken to be
divinely revealed, and so it can only supply an irrational foundation for
religion. That defective foundation is the cause of so many squabbling
religious sectsthere simply is no unified doctrine that can be gotten from the
ruminations of “unlettered & ignorant men.” The defective foundation of
biblically-based Christianity can therefore yield only confusion, and that is
the very reason the government should erect a wall of separation between church
and state.
Jefferson was not above using the fears of one sect at the prospect of
the establishment of another sect to advance a public square cleared of
biblically-based religion (such as in his famous “Letter to
the Danbury Baptists,” from
which the even more famous phrase about “building a wall of separation
between Church & State” comes). But we would misunderstand Jefferson’s
ultimate motives, and the ultimate effect of his words, if we didn’t take into
account his rejection of the Bible as revealed.
Now it would be
too much to blame Jefferson alone for the increasingly naked public square.
There are other factors which make things even more complex.
Justice Black
(once a member of the Ku Klux Klan) was more animated by his anti-Catholic
sentiments. While he decided for Catholic parochial schools in the judicial
particulars of Everson, he laid the
general foundation for excluding Catholics from getting any federal support by
imposing Jefferson’s “wall of separation” upon the Establishment Clause.
But Black’s
motives were immediately subsumed by a more radical, secular agenda. How this
occurred historically is a long, important story. Suffice it to say that by the
time of Everson Jefferson’s Deism was
replaced by Radical Enlightenment secularism among the American intelligentsia.
Jefferson’s words therefore carried
far more radical freight than he (and perhaps even Justice Black) originally
intended.
Jefferson may
have denied Christ’s divinity, but in affirming Jesus as a great moral teacher,
he thereby affirmed Christian morality in the public square, buttressed by a
vague civic Deist religiosity. Justice Black wanted to exclude Catholics from
public power, but himself seems to have been a kind of liberal Protestant. But
secular atheism wanted God out completely. To progress, humanity had to shed all religion, and embrace an entirely
secular, materialist worldview, which included a quite different, purely
materialist, secular view of morality.
The main vehicle
of progress for secularism was the state, needless to say, the secular state. The state replaced the
church as the “body” that carried humanity forward, and since religion is the
greatest obstruction to progress, the state must completely remove religion
from any access to public presence and power, and impose an entirely
this-worldly materialist, secular viewpoint.
So it was that a
radicalized, secularized version of the Jeffersonian notion of erecting a wall
of separation between the church and state became so important at mid-20th
century, and further, why a whole string of secularizing court cases
immediately followed
Everson, each
successively ensuring religion’s ultimate exile from public life through a
secular interpretation of the Establishment Clause. The secular state is, in
fact,
created by the removal of
religion from the public realm; that is, it is the very act of separation and
erecting a wall is what makes the secular state secular. The negative view of religion
defines the positive goal of the secular state. The “separation of church and
state” is in fact “intended to promote religion’s exile from public life.”